Monday, April 11, 2016

Does Removal of top Jihadists Weaken ISIL? Authored by Hassan Hassan another Shiite DICKHEAD who believes that recycling Boring MediaWhoresManure, GoogledJunk & WikiTrash worthy lying for CIA.

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Does Removal of top Jihadists Weaken ISIL? Authored by Hassan Hassan another Shiite DICKHEAD who believes that recycling Boring MediaWhoresManure, GoogledJunk & WikiTrash worthy lying for CIA.
Langley boys ain’t but Bollywood Minded Asscrack Turncocks. They see Baghdadi boys ain’t but zombies following crackpot cockamamie leaders without plan B. as in Luc Besson’s Movie “The Fifth Element”. Milk your Prostates. Fatass Whores! ISIL is a Leaderless Disney run by Mickey Mouse.
Over past month, United States eliminated 12 of world’s most notorious jihadists operating within different organizations inside Syria. Remarkably, militants were veterans of most of Jihadi wars since 1980s, from Afghanistan, Egypt, Syria, Chechnya and Iraq. Targeting of that many high-profile operatives in different parts of country and in such short period of time, shows just how Syria has become crucible for Jihadi movements over past five years. Most recently, two prominent Egyptian militants were killed when their car was hit by US air strikes in Idlib. One of them, Refai Taha Al Masri, was founder of Gamaa Al Islamiyyah, an Egyptian extremist group that was accused of 1997 Luxor massacre in which nearly 60 foreign tourists were shot down or hacked to death. If you’ve not thrown-up yet. Please continue reading this Bullcrap in alakhtal.com. Good luck. second one, Abu Omar Al Masri, is veteran of “Chechen jihad" and was close to Thamir Saleh Abdullah, commonly known as Emir Khattab. He travelled to Syria along with old Chechen comrades Muslim Abu Al Walid, Saifullah and Salaheddin. According to Khaled Al Qaysi, an Iraqi expert on Islamist groups, Refai had arrived in Syria just few days before his demise, in bid to patch up differences between commanders of Jabhat Al Nusra and help unify factional jihadi divisions in Syria. Disputes along national lines have long been source of disunity among extremist groups in country – notably involving Jordanian commanders in case of Jabhat Al Nusra – who are seen by many as controlling group, especially in southern Syria. Jabhat Al Nusra’s spokesman, Abu Firas Al Suri, was also killed in an air raid on March 4. Abu Firas, Syrian from Madaya near Damascus, had greatly contributed to jihadi squabble after he made series of statements attacking those within Ahrar Al Sham and Jabhat Al Nusra who were arguing for latter to break away from Al Qaeda. Abu Firas saw attempt as instigated by regional countries to further divide group, and his statements were widely seen as no different from ISIL’s views that apostatised groups or individuals who cooperate with symbols of regional geopolitical order. US also announced killing of Abu Omar Al Shishani on March 14, although news is not confirmed. Abu Omar was most publicly notable foreign commander within ISIL, who spearheaded many of battles in eastern Syria after he joined group in 2014. Abu Atheer Al Absi, man known for his ultra-extremist views even among other extremists jailed at Sednaya prison before Syrian uprising. He was released in 2011 along with hundreds of others like him, and started an independent group that later joined ISIL in 2013. He was one of key commanders to help ISIL’s leader Abu Bakr Al Baghdadi in late 2012 in his attempt to push aside Jabhat Al Nusra’s leader, Abu Muhammed Al Jolani, and expand its rule into Syria. Among dozen reported killings, most important one is arguably of Abd Al Rahman Mustafa Al Qaduli, better known by noms de guerre such as Abu Alaa Al Afri, Abu Ali Al Anbari and Haji Iman. His death had been announced at least four times by Iraqi authorities and twice by Americans, but this time appears more credible since some ISIL supporters began to eulogise him on social media. Pentagon announced his killing on March 25. Little was known about Al Afri and much of information about him turned out to be inaccurate. Security experts had mistakenly identified him as former officer with regime of Saddam Hussain, but he had been jihadi activist since 1980s inside Iraq. From Tal Afar near city of Mosul, he travelled to Afghanistan in 1998 and later pledged allegiance to Al Qaeda in Iraq in 2004. He had served as supreme Sharia official of organisation, in its different incarnations, since 2004. Over past few years, he became emir of so-called wilayat, or province, and oversaw security apparatus since 2014. There were rumours he visited Libya last year. Abu Ali Al Anbari, one of his noms de guerre, was also mistakenly thought to be separate person. Since then, he had been an – if not – instrumental person in shaping ideology of ISIL as we know it today. He details in nearly 40 lectures given to high clerics working for his group core extremist views that ISIL holds, from rejection of modern democratic norms and demolition of Sufi and Shia places of worship to prohibition of praying behind an imam, anywhere in world, who does not adhere to its strict understanding of Islam. His talks offer fascinating new window into how group rationalises extremist views unacceptable even to fellow jihadists. Operationally, organisations such as Al Qaeda and ISIL have adapted over years to survive targeting of their leaders. Most members and leaders are effectively expendable and group can exist without them. So high-level killings over past month may not have significant impact on battlefield. They might, however, leave dent on changing ideological outlook, particularly because targets included religious giants in this field. Hassan Hassan is resident fellow at Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy and co-author of ISIS: Inside Army of Terror
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